Saddam Husayn so dominated the Iraqi Regime that its strategic intent was his alone. He wanted to end

sanctions while preserving the capability to reconstitute his weapons of mass destruction (WMD) when

sanctions were lifted.

• Saddam totally dominated the Regime’s strategic decision making. He initiated most of the strategic

thinking upon which decisions were made, whether in matters of war and peace (such as invading Kuwait),

maintaining WMD as a national strategic goal, or on how Iraq was to position itself in the international community.

Loyal dissent was discouraged and constructive variations to the implementation of his wishes on

strategic issues were rare. Saddam was the Regime in a strategic sense and his intent became Iraq’s strategic

policy.

• Saddam’s primary goal from 1991 to 2003 was to have UN sanctions lifted, while maintaining the security

of the Regime. He sought to balance the need to cooperate with UN inspections—to gain support for lifting

sanctions—with his intention to preserve Iraq’s intellectual capital for WMD with a minimum of foreign

intrusiveness and loss of face. Indeed, this remained the goal to the end of the Regime, as the starting of any

WMD program, conspicuous or otherwise, risked undoing the progress achieved in eroding sanctions and

jeopardizing a political end to the embargo and international monitoring.

• The introduction of the Oil-For-Food program (OFF) in late 1996 was a key turning point for the Regime.

OFF rescued Baghdad’s economy from a terminal decline created by sanctions. The Regime quickly came

to see that OFF could be corrupted to acquire foreign exchange both to further undermine sanctions and to

provide the means to enhance dual-use infrastructure and potential WMD-related development.

• By 2000-2001, Saddam had managed to mitigate many of the effects of sanctions and undermine their

international support. Iraq was within striking distance of a de facto end to the sanctions regime, both in

terms of oil exports and the trade embargo, by the end of 1999.

Saddam wanted to recreate Iraq’s WMD capability—which was essentially destroyed in 1991—after sanctions

were removed and Iraq’s economy stabilized, but probably with a different mix of capabilities to that

which previously existed. Saddam aspired to develop a nuclear capability—in an incremental fashion,

irrespective of international pressure and the resulting economic risks—but he intended to focus on ballistic

missile and tactical chemical warfare (CW) capabilities.

• Iran was the pre-eminent motivator of this policy. All senior level Iraqi offi cials considered Iran to be Iraq’s

principal enemy in the region. The wish to balance Israel and acquire status and infl uence in the Arab world

were also considerations, but secondary.

• Iraq Survey Group (ISG) judges that events in the 1980s and early 1990s shaped Saddam’s belief in the

value of WMD. In Saddam’s view, WMD helped to save the Regime multiple times. He believed that during

the Iran-Iraq war chemical weapons had halted Iranian ground offensives and that ballistic missile attacks

on Tehran had broken its political will. Similarly, during Desert Storm, Saddam believed WMD had deterred

Coalition Forces from pressing their attack beyond the goal of freeing Kuwait. WMD had even played a role

in crushing the Shi’a revolt in the south following the 1991 cease-fi re.

• The former Regime had no formal written strategy or plan for the revival of WMD after sanctions. Neither

was there an identifi able group of WMD policy makers or planners separate from Saddam. Instead, his lieutenants

understood WMD revival was his goal from their long association with Saddam and his infrequent,

but fi rm, verbal comments and directions to them.